Saturday, 22 August 2020

Center for Health, Human Rights and Development (CEHURD) wins a victory against Uganda’s Neo-liberal State : Gov't fined Shs 310m over death of two pregnant women 10 years ago: We are too poor to fund health but too rich to spend on unclassified military expenditure: Judges can no longer deny Ugandans the right to health by hiding under the so called political doctrine


  Rhoda Kukiriza lost her daughter Sylvia Nalubowa while she was giving birth

Rhoda Kukiriza lost her daughter Sylvia Nalubowa While she was giving birth

Gov't fined Shs 310m over death of two pregnant women 10 years ago

 

 

Press Release: Landmark Hearing on Maternal Deaths Proceeds in Uganda’s Constitutional Court

 

(KAMPALA) Today a civil society coalition of more than 40 health rights organizations welcomed the start of Constitutional Court’s hearing of Petition 16 of 2011. This health rights case, filed on March 4, 2011 by the Centre for Health, Human Rights and Development (CEHURD), was triggered by the preventable deaths of Jennifer Anguko and Sylvia Nalubowa, two women who died while giving birth. The activists claim that Uganda’s government is failing to fulfill fundamental rights guaranteed under the Constitution, resulting in an epidemic of preventable deaths of women.

Constitutional Court dismissed the petition in 2012, on the grounds that the Court lacked standing to hear the case on its merits. CEHURD appealed to the Supreme Court (Constitutional Appeal No. 1 of 2013) and on September 30 2015 the Supreme Court ruled that Constitutional Court’s dismissal was incorrect, and must hear the petition.

More than 16 women die daily in Uganda from preventable causes including hemorrhage, sepsis, unsafe abortion, obstructed labor, and pre-eclampsia. There has been no statistically significant decrease in maternal mortality in Uganda for the last eight years (source: Uganda Demographic and Health Survey 2016 Key Indicators Report, page 58). Uganda’s severely high rates of teenage pregnancy also contribute to preventable maternal deaths—25% of young women 15-19 in Uganda is pregnant or a mother, one of the highest rates in sub-Saharan Africa, a statistic that has remained unchanged since 2006 (source: Uganda Demographic Health Survey, 2016).

The primary defense argued by Government over the last 8 years the case has been in Court is that Uganda is too poor to fight maternal mortality effectively. Recent evidence contradicts that claim: the FY2019/20Appropriations Bill contains a 20.9% expansion in the overall budget compared with FY2018/19. The increase is largely for Security (increasing from 6.3% to 9.3% of the budget) and Works and Transport (increasing from 14.6% to 16.2%). The Health budget share shrinks from 7.1% to 6.4%. By contrast, “Classified Expenditure and Assets” increased dramatically from UShs 934 billion in FY2018/19 to UShs 2.582 trillion in FY2019/20—the same size as the entire health budget.

Compounding the crisis caused by government under funding, are a series of recent policy shifts. In 2018 Government shut down free maternal health care services provided by Mulago National Referral Hospital, and instead opened a USD25 million super specialized private women’s clinic with no public wing. The private hospital charges exorbitant user fees most pregnant women cannot afford. Although government a decade ago pledged to provide emergency maternal health care services at local level by equipping Health Center IVs with the surgical theatres, health workers and commodities needed to save pregnant women’s lives, that promise has been broken, forcing pregnant women to rely on the national referral hospital.

The corrective actions being sought through this Constitutional Court Petition would help remedy these gross inequities, according to the advocates. “Deaths from maternal mortality could be largely eliminated in Uganda,” said Noor Musisi of CEHURD. “What we are missing is political will.”
Contact: Noor Nakibuuka Musisi, CEHURD 0782 496 681 or Asia Russell, Health GAP 0776 574 729


How the death of two Ugandan mothers is helping entrench the right to health care

Disclosure statement

Moses Mulumba receives funding from the Open Society Foundation and IDRC-Canada.
When Sylvia Nalubowa went into labour in Uganda’s Mityana district in August 2009, she was taken to a local health centre where she expected to have a normal birth, supervised by a midwife.
After she had delivered her first baby the midwife realised there was a twin on the way. The midwife recommended that Nalubowa be taken to the district hospital where a doctor could handle the second delivery.
But when she arrived at the Mityana District Hospital in Central Uganda, the nurses asked for her maternity kit. This is commonly known as a “mama kit” and contains a plastic sheet, razor blades, cotton wool or gauze pad, soap, gloves, cord ties, and a child health card. All mothers delivering babies in Ugandan hospitals and clinics are expected to bring their own “mama kits” when they go into labour.
But Nalubowa had used her “mama kit” at the first health facility when delivering her first child. The nurses would hear none of her excuses and demanded money to purchase the kit before they could attend to her.
Nalubowa and her baby died.
Jennifer Anguko died under similar circumstances. She arrived at the Arua hospital in North Western Uganda at 8.30am on December 10, 2010 but was not attended to for 12 hours by which time her condition and cries for help were out of control.
One hour later she was taken to theatre but she and her baby died during the procedure. The cause of her death listed in the post mortem report was a ruptured uterus.

The women’s cases are two of many

Sixteen women die in Uganda every day during child birth in instances that could be avoided. In 2011, the World Health Organisation reported that Uganda registers up to 440 deaths for every 100 000 live births.
This is unlike Rwanda where maternal mortality decreased by 77% between 2000 and 2013 and currently stands at 320 deaths for every 100 000 live births.
Most maternal deaths in Uganda are due to severe bleeding, infection, hypertensive disorders and obstructed labour. Others are due to causes such as malaria, diabetes, hepatitis and anaemia. All these are aggravated by pregnancy.
The Ugandan government is committed to providing all citizens with free health services. But it is common to go to a government health facility and find that medicines are not in stock and health workers are not paid. Patients also say that they are often met by health staff who are unenthusiastic about attending to patients expecting free services.
In 2013, the doctor to patient ratio in Uganda was estimated at one doctor for just under 25 000 patients. The nurse to patient ratio sat at one nurse for 11 000 patients.
The country’s public health system has a tiered structure with two national referral hospitals, 11 semi-autonomous regional referral hospitals, and a well established district health system with healthcare centres in 56 districts.
Health care services are financed through general tax revenue and donor funding. Although user fees for health services in public facilities were abolished in 2001 patients are still expected to make direct out-of-pocket payments for some services and drugs.

Fighting for a right

In 2011 lawyers at the Centre for health, Human Rights and Development, a non-profit, research and advocacy organisation, began gathering evidence to hold the Ugandan government to account for Nalubowa and Anguko’s deaths.
The case is now before the country’s Constitutional Court.
In what has turned into a landmark case, the centre has argued that failing to provide essential maternal health commodities in government health facilities is an infringement on women’s rights. The rights to life as well as health are guaranteed under the country’s constitution as well as international human rights instruments the government has signed up to. These include the:
  • International Covenant on Economic Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR),
  • Convention of Elimination of All forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), and
  • Maputo protocol.

The court erred

At the first hearing before the Constitutional Court government lawyers objected to the case. They argued that the judiciary was not competent to hear a case that required the executive arm of government to allocate resources to the health sector.
The court agreed and dismissed the case.
But the centre appealed to the Supreme Court, the highest court of appeal in Uganda. It argued that the justices of the Constitutional Court erred in denying them an opportunity to hear the case based on its merits.
In October 2015 the Supreme Court’s seven judges agreed. They made a unanimous ruling that the Constitutional Court judges had erred in dismissing the case. In their judgment they argued that the case had key questions that needed constitutional interpretation for the people of Uganda.
They contended that there is nothing the executive or legislature can decide on that may not be subjected to judicial review - especially if it is done in line with the constitution. And they have ordered the Constitutional Court to hear the case which is now before the Constitutional Court pending a hearing by a new panel of judges.

Making health care a priority

The case has contributed to jurisprudence to help people realise their social economic rights in Uganda.
But it has also catalysed improvements in health service provision. Since the case was initially heard government funding for the health sector has improved from US$ 215 million (UGX 737.60 billion) to US$ 328 million (UGX 1127.48 billion) and more health workers have been recruited. Mothers, however, are still expected to bring their own “mama kits” when going into labour.
There has also been a reduction in maternal deaths. These have fallen from 440 deaths for every 100 000 live births in 2010 to 343 by 2015.
Most importantly, civil society organisations are now, more than ever, alert to demanding women’s health care rights.
*Primah Kwagala, a human rights lawyer at the Centre for Health, Human Rights and Development (CEHURD) where she manages strategic litigation programmes, was integral in the writing of this article.