22 “Do not take advantage of the widow or the fatherless. 23 If you do and they cry out to me, I will certainly hear their cry. 24 My anger will be aroused, and I will kill you with the sword; your wives will become widows and your children fatherless. Exodus 22:22-24
Namirembe, Luweero dioceses crises deepen intrigue, fraud in bishop elections
The Anglican church in Uganda is facing a stern test of integrity following the recent controversies arising from two botched elections of bishops for the influential dioceses of Namirembe and Luweero.
Controversial elections of bishops are not new in the Anglican church but in this case, especially that of Namirembe, the stakes are so high they transcend pastoral leadership to include influences in key appointments and finances. At the centre of the impasses are nomination committees, elders, petitioners and an uncompromising House of Bishops, something that has placed the church integrity at stake.
Typically, the election of a bishop is considered a sacrosanct process. However, in the cases of Namirembe and Luweero, it has transformed into an intense campaign, with supporters of various candidates investing millions. On October 4, the House of Bishops convened to decide between Canon Moses Banja and Canon Abraham Muyinda to determine the successor to the retiring Wilberforce Kityo Luwalira as the bishop of Namirembe diocese, with the consecration planned for December.
Yet, the House of Bishops chose to annul the nominations of both candidates. This decision followed a last-minute petition by some prominent diocesan elders, who pointed out significant flaws in the process led by the nominations committee. Earlier, on June 25, the same House of Bishops, through Canon William Ongeng, the provincial secretary of the Church of Uganda, had nullified the election of Canon Godfrey Kasana as the bishop elect of Luweero due to concerns about his integrity.
Adams Sadiki, the provincial spokesperson for the Church of Uganda, stated that the House of Bishops has formed a committee to probe the circumstances leading to these issues. This committee will also provide guidance to the nominations committee on how the new selection process should be conducted.
NAMIREMBE’S CROSS-ROADS
Tensions in Namirembe are palpably high, with various influential figures from religious and business sectors vying to have their chosen candidate succeed.
“Namirembe is more than just a diocese. It stands as a colossal business empire, rivaling only the Kabaka of Buganda in assets and influence. Hence, the intensity surrounding the bishop’s position,” revealed a senior cathedral warden who wished to remain unnamed.
Another informant suggested that the influence over Namirembe extends from the Buganda kingdom establishment, involving certain royals and venerable families that have deep-rooted histories.
“The kingdom plays an indirect yet significant role, with many pivotal decisions being made after consulting with them. The kingdom has vested interests in the bishop’s appointment,” he remarked.
While eleven candidates presented themselves to succeed Luwalira, the primary contenders are Canon Moses Kayimba, Canon Edward Stephen Kabanda, and Canon Banja. It’s evident that the incoming bishop of Namirembe will wield significant power, not just in spiritual realms but also in land management and overseeing numerous diocesan initiatives.
Such intense races for the position aren’t novel for Namirembe. However, an elder noted that this particular race garnered public attention mainly due to the outgoing Bishop Luwalira’s indecision on his successor.
“In the past, the incumbent bishop’s preference for his successor was evident, and alignments formed accordingly,” he commented.
Inside sources from the diocese speculated that Luwalira initially leaned towards the young and rising Kayimba, while others believed Kabanda was being prepped for the role. Yet, by the time nominations came around, Banja seemed to have gained Luwalira’s favor. However, Namirembe isn’t a typical diocese. With parishioners already thinking post-Luwalira, his sway over the nominations committee, appointed by the reigning bishop, appears to be diminishing.
One notable point was the elders’ petition to the House of Bishops, which featured testimonies from seven members. They challenged the way Fred Mpanga, the diocesan chancellor, finalized the nominations for Banja and Muyinda. Attempts to contact Mpanga, Banja, and Muyinda for comments were unsuccessful. With all the undercurrents and displayed discord, it’s uncertain how the selection will unfold, but it’s clear that the diocese is facing challenging times ahead.
LUWEERO’S CONTEST
In April 2023, the House of Bishops declared Canon Godfrey Kasana as the successor to the bishopric of the Luweero diocese. Despite his triumph over eight competitors, the election process was clouded with allegations of deception, bias, and fraudulent practices. The nomination committee for the Luweero diocese, headed by attorney Apollo Makubuya, thoroughly evaluated all candidates, ultimately forwarding Canon Kasana and Rev. Abel Sserwanja Merewooma to the House of Bishops for the final selection.
Notably missing from this shortlist was Canon Geoffrey Muwanguzi, the provost of St. Mark Cathedral - the principal church of the Luweero diocese. Muwanguzi was placed third in the preliminary assessments. This set the stage for the unfolding controversy. A subsequent petition by diocesan elders, fronted by Kenneth Kikabi, revealed that Merewooma lacked two critical qualifications for the bishop’s role. He neither met the age criteria of 45 years nor had the required decade-long priesthood experience, as dictated by the Anglican Church canon laws.
Yet, Merewooma maintained his eligibility, with insiders suggesting his close affiliations with the upper echelons of Uganda’s Anglican church could be influencing factors. The nomination committee’s attempts to interrogate Kikabi hit a snag when he evaded personal appearances to substantiate his claims.
Moreover, suspicions arose around the veracity of Kikabi’s identity, leading some to believe it was a pseudonym adopted by discontented petitioners. Nevertheless, due to the undeniable evidence against Merewooma, the House of Bishops excluded him from the final consideration.
This pivot paved the way for Kasana’s unchallenged ascendancy. In a surprising move, Can Muyinda, initially eliminated during the vetting stage, was reintroduced as a potential candidate for the bishopric of Luweero. This twist intensified the prevailing tensions. Ultimately, Kasana clinched the coveted position, securing 25 of the 36 votes cast. Notably, Muyinda subsequently emerged as one of the contenders for the recently contentious Namirembe diocese bishop election.
DRAMA UNFOLDS: PART I
Shortly after the decision, Archbishop Stephen Kaziimba presented Kasana with an official letter of confirmation, marking his election as the fourth bishop of the Luweero diocese. Following this, Kaziimba dispatched another letter to Kasana, outlining preparations for his consecration set for July 9.
This communication, a copy of which The Observer acquired, advised Kasana to engage in fundraising efforts among Christians and patrons. It also highlighted the necessity for Kasana to acquire his vestments and mace. However, this celebratory atmosphere was disrupted when another petition spearheaded by Kikabi emerged, challenging Kasana’s election.
The dispute centered around allegations of an illicit affair with a woman named Milly Nakyomu, claiming that two children, Kibaya and Gubi, were born from this liaison. In subsequent communications on June 25, Kasana informed Kaziimba of having amassed Shs 200m for the consecration, with Shs 50m already expended on the robes and mace.
But just three days later, Canon Ongeng made a public announcement on the Church of Uganda’s Family Television. He declared that the House of Bishops, after convening at the Kabalega resort hotel in Hoima, had decided to annul Kasana’s election due to concerns regarding his integrity.
Ongeng’s statement read, “This exceptional decision was reached after receiving credible evidence suggesting that the bishop-elect’s integrity was misrepresented during both the nomination and election processes, which rendered the election null and void. The House of Bishops has mandated the diocesan nominations committee to initiate fresh nominations within the next month, concluding by July 31, 2023. The subsequent election will take place on August 1, 2023, and the consecration and enthronement of the new bishop will occur on August 6, 2023, at St Mark’s Cathedral, Luweero.”
In the wake of this development, retired Bishop James Ssebaggala was appointed as the interim bishop of Luweero, representing the archbishop. Efforts to reach Archbishop Kaziimba proved futile as he remained unresponsive to numerous call attempts. In contrast, Adams Sadiki, the communications officer of the Archbishop’s office, requested more time to provide a statement.
In the background, six bishops, who wished to remain unnamed, expressed their concerns to our reporters. They indicated that their apprehensions arose from printouts of messages between Kasana and Nakyomu. These messages revealed consistent communication and occasional monetary transfers even post-election. One bishop from Kigezi remarked on the unusual nature of the evidence, saying,
“We based our decisions on this circumstantial evidence, which we found perplexing.”
DRAMA UNFOLDS: PART II
Following the sudden reversal, Kasana contested the decision. Given the delicate nature of the allegations, both parties agreed that an external investigation was necessary to validate the claims against him. Over three months, investigators interviewed key figures including Kasana, Nakyomu, Kikabi, and Kaziimba.
The preliminary findings of the investigation, which The Observer has reviewed, are shocking. Kasana’s defense hinged on a professional relationship with Nakyomu. He shared that she worked as a matron and bursar at his Sekamuli SS from 2016 to 2018. According to Kasana, he began making installment payments to Nakyomu to settle outstanding salary arrears upon her resignation in 2018. He vehemently denied any romantic or personal relationship with her.
“He affirmed he was simply settling her dues and nothing more,” the draft report reveals.
When challenged to produce the alleged children stemming from their supposed relationship, Kasana retorted that the accusers should furnish evidence of their existence. The investigative report indicates that during subsequent interviews with both Kikabi and Kaziimba, neither could provide concrete evidence of the existence of the children. However, Kaziimba told investigators the decision to nullify Kasana’s election was rooted in concerns over integrity.
BREAKDOWN IN COMMUNICATION
Sources informed The Observer that in July, Kaziimba summoned Kasana and his wife for a meeting. Kaziimba reportedly emphasized the need to uphold the church’s integrity. He then proposed that Kasana take a three-month hiatus in the USA to recuperate from the unfolding scandal.
This gesture was rebuffed by Kasana. When pressed for concrete evidence supporting the allegations, Kaziimba allegedly could only produce call records showing frequent communication between Kasana and Nakyomu. The draft report reveals an oversight; there was no internal disciplinary action or investigation undertaken before the annulment of Kasana’s bishopric appointment.
Kaziimba’s subsequent establishment of a diocesan disciplinary tribunal to examine the allegations was deemed irrelevant by Kasana, but it has never summoned him. This perceived injustice led Kasana to file two lawsuits in the High court: one challenging his unfair dismissal and the other accusing Kaziimba of defamation. The plaints suggest that despite the issuance of letters validating his bishop-elect status, Kasana never received any formal dismissal.
INTERTWINED STORIES
Investigations unearthed that incendiary dossier, originating from a number associated with Kikabi, were first circulated in the WhatsApp group of St Mark Cathedral. The group’s administrator was Can Geoffrey Muwanguzi. When questioned, Muwanguzi acknowledged his role but emphasized the platform’s neutrality. As investigators delved deeper, it became apparent that ‘Kikabi’, the supposed 20-year-old petitioner, might be a fictitious character. The draft report posits, “Our probe suggests that ‘Kikabi’ is a facade operated by Geoffrey Saku.”
TROUBLED WATERS
Sources reveal that the unfolding drama has taken a toll on Bishop Ssebaggala, who has reportedly informed Kaziimba of his intention to vacate his position due to growing unrest in the diocese. Financial ramifications are already evident, with some parishes reportedly withholding funds from the diocese. As tensions rise, there are fears of violent confrontations.
“The sooner the House of Bishops resolves this situation, the better. The current stalemate is fueling hostility,” warned a cathedral warden.
On September 24, Ssebaggala was forced to flee from angry Christians that accused him of conniving with Kaziimba to frustrate Kasana. A source claimed that Ssebaggala gets a weekly allowance of Shs 1m on top of a monthly salary of Shs 5m but in the wake of the Kasana debacle, some parishes have since withheld remitting finances to the diocese.
“This crisis is about to reach boiling point that will create bloodshed,” warned a warden at St Mark’s cathedral.
“The
earlier the House of Bishops sorts to confusion, the better, otherwise
the continued delay is only serving to fuel tension and bloodshed.”
UNCERTAINTY LOOMS
The Observer has acquired a letter from Kaziimba directing a restart of the nomination process for the next Luweero bishop. However, this move is seen by some as a ploy to favor certain candidates, particularly Merewooma, who will soon meet the canon law requirements on age and service.
A recent petition demands the suspension of the current nomination process until Kasana receives an official annulment letter. As the saga unfolds, it remains to be seen how Archbishop Kaziimba will restore order to the beleaguered Luweero diocese. One thing is clear: the unfolding drama threatens to plunge the Anglican church into deeper turmoil.
https://www.africanews.com/2023/10/10/niger-first-french-troops-withdraw-as-us-cuts-aid/
The first French soldiers left Niger on Tuesday in an overland convoy under local escort, possibly to Chad, just as the United States announced the withdrawal of its aid to the country, which has been ruled by a military regime since late July.
The withdrawal of the French troops was quickly demanded by Niger's generals after they came to power, and French President Emmanuel Macron announced their departure at the end of September.
Until now, some 1,400 French soldiers and airmen have been deployed in the country to fight jihadists alongside the Nigeriens, including around 1,000 in Niamey and 400 at two forward bases in the west, at Ouallam and Tabarey-Barey, in the heart of the so-called "three borders" zone with Mali and Burkina Faso.
A convoy of soldiers from Tabarey-Barey arrived in Niamey at midday on Tuesday, along with heavy goods vehicles carrying equipment and armoured vehicles, according to an AFP journalist.
The final destination of the French convoys has not been officially communicated, but according to sources close to the matter, they should then head for the Chadian capital N'Djamena, 1,600km away, where the command of the French Forces in the Sahel is located.
"The first departures are taking place, in accordance with the planning and coordination underway", AFP learned earlier from the French armed forces.
A plane with French equipment and a first group of priority military personnel (medical evacuations, in particular) also took off from Niamey on Monday, another military source said.
The Niger regime had announced on Friday that the withdrawal of the French soldiers would take place "in complete safety".
On Tuesday, the United States, which has some 1,100 troops in the country and a major drone base in Agadez (central Niger), formally described the military takeover of power on July 26 as a "coup d'état", and consequently announced the withdrawal of some $500 million in economic aid.
"We are taking this step because over the past two months, we have exhausted all available avenues to preserve constitutional order in Niger," said State Department spokesman Matthew Miller.
"Any resumption of U.S. aid will require steps" by the regime "to restore democratic governance in a timely and credible manner", added Mr. Miller.
For the time being, however, the US will keep its troops in Niger.
Another US official indicated that these soldiers were no longer actively assisting and training Nigerien forces, but would continue to monitor the jihadist threat.
Following France's departure from Mali and then Burkina Faso over the past 18 months, Niger had become a key partner for French anti-jihadist operations in a region where armed groups affiliated to the Islamic State and al-Qaeda are rampant.
This latest withdrawal presents the French with a dual logistical and security challenge.
Travel options are limited, if not dangerous, with the risk of anti-French demonstrations, but also the presence of jihadists linked to Boko Haram and the West African branch of the EI (Iswap) in the Diffa area (eastern Niger).
Niger's land borders with Benin and Nigeria have been closed since the coup. And the Nigeriens have forbidden French civilian and military aircraft from flying over their territory, unless an exemption has been granted.
On the other hand, borders have been reopened with Algeria, Libya, Burkina Faso, Mali and Chad.
After concluding a combat partnership with Niger against jihadist groups, France had discreetly beefed up the Niamey compound, with armoured vehicles and helicopters, to reinforce the five-armed Reaper drones and at least three Mirage fighter jets already on site.
Computer equipment, modular shelters for aircraft, cockpits for drones and engineering bulldozers are also on site: all equipment that the French army has no intention of leaving behind.
The Russian leader made the comments while meeting Iraq’s Prime Minister Mohammed Shia Al-Sudani in Moscow, days after Hamas launched a massive attack on Israel. (Kremlin Pool Photo via AP)
https://www.arabnews.com/node/2388676/world
MOSCOW: Russian President Vladimir Putin said Tuesday the Israel-Gaza conflict showed the “failure” of Washington’s Middle East policy and called the creation of “an independent sovereign Palestinian state” a “necessity.”
The Russian leader made the comments while meeting Iraq’s Prime Minister
Mohammed Shia Al-Sudani in Moscow, days after Hamas launched a massive
attack on Israel.
“I think many people would agree with me that it’s a clear example of
the failure of US politics in the Middle East,” Putin said.
He spoke of the “necessity to implement the decisions of the UN Security
Council on the creation of an independent sovereign Palestinian state.”
Putin said the US had “tried to monopolize regulating (the conflict)
but, unfortunately, were not preoccupied with looking for compromises
that would be acceptable for both sides.”
The West had “not taken into account the fundamental interests of the Palestinian people,” he said.
A day earlier, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov said the creation
of a Palestinian state was the “most reliable” solution for peace in
Israel.
The Kremlin said earlier on Tuesday that a visit by Palestinian
president Mahmud Abbas, planned before the Hamas attack on Israel, to
Moscow was in preparation but did not give a date.
Moscow has said it was concerned that a foreign player could enter the
conflict after the US moved warships closer to its ally Israel.
Over 80 victims of the Capital Chicken Ponzi scheme have filed complaints at Kira road and Kampala Central police stations. One of the complainants lost as much as Shs 420 million.
Sources reveal that one retired security
officer invested as much as Shs 380 million while another retired civil
servant invested Shs 420 million in the scheme.
“Some of these
people came here and attempted to create a scene claiming police knew
about the Ponzi scheme because the place was being guarded by police
officers. We told them that even a civilian who writes seeking police
protection we provide it...We don’t register or regulate business
operations,” the source said.
The scheme was promising a 15% monthly
profit for every amount invested in the chicken business. Capital
Chicken had its main office along Kanjokya street in Kampala Central
Division, where individuals entrusted their money for investment, with
the promise of returns. In the nearly three years it has been in
existence, Capital Chicken appeared to run smoothly and its clientele
kept growing.
Luke Owoyesigyire, the deputy Kampala
metropolitan police spokesperson, said the clients became skeptical when
the managers started telling them to come back later when they went to
collect their profits or capital.
Last month, on September 29,
the scheme clients were shocked to find the office unexpectedly closed.
Although Owoyesigyire had earlier computed the lost money to be about
Shs 1.6 billion, it is alleged that the money is now over Shs 2 billion
as more complaints keep coming in.
“Statements have been
recorded, shedding light on transactions. Furthermore, relevant
documents pertaining to these transactions have been recovered to aid in
our ongoing investigation,” Owoyesigyire said.
Police have
identified the key suspects as Pius Wamanga and Ernest Sempebwa who are
suspected to have fled the country. Some of the workers of Capital
Chicken reportedly also found the offices abruptly closed.
“Our
investigators are diligently working to uncover the facts surrounding
this alleged fraud. We understand the concerns of the victims and the
public, and we are committed to bringing this investigation to a swift
and just conclusion,” Owoyesigyire said.
Police have urged the
public to continue reporting cases so that satisfying evidence is
collected for the prosecution of the suspects once they are apprehended.
However, there are groups that have vowed not to report since it is
perceived as embarrassing.
Last year, over Shs 2 billion was lost
in BLQ's online gaming ponzi scheme. One of the founders posted on
social media thanking Ugandans for 'donating' their money and promised
to come back with a newer version.
The walk to school can be dangerous in Karamoja. In this region of northeastern Uganda, one of the poorest in the East African country, marriages can begin with a man abducting a woman, raping her and keeping her captive at his house until it is unacceptable for her to return to the life she had.
Girls on their way to school are a target.
“Most children drop out of school when their mothers cannot always escort them. Other mothers, out of fear, stop sending their girls to school,” says Christine Akello, from the Uganda Association of Women Lawyers in Karamoja.
It is why Gloria Nakong became a home- help when she was seven. Nakong’s sister, her guardian since their father died, thought such a job would keep her safe. So, she helped other children get ready for school, babysat, cooked, cleaned and carried containers of water three times her weight.
Eventually her family raised the money to send her to Kangole Girls’ boarding school.
“Had that not happened, Nakong would have a different childhood: at 12, she would have worn beads around her neck and colourful skirts; shaved part of her head and got [tribal markings on her skin]. She would have learned the songs and dances of her people in celebration of a ‘beautiful culture’,” says Monica Alany, a young Karimojong woman.
At 15, she would be expected to move out of her parents’ hut into a communal one for girls.
“We, the Karimojong people, like our culture – whether good or bad,” Alany says. “It is in these huts that girls are raided and forced to have sex in the night. If the boys fail, they wait for the girl on her way to school or the market.”
“Even though the community does not protect the girls from rape, the boys of the household beat the girls when they find out that they ‘allowed’ [themselves] to be raped.”
Alany’s mother hid her at a Catholic mission to keep her safe.
“Courtship rape” is commonplace, says Akello.
“Many women who are married are survivors of courtship rape and believe that men have a right to rape them as a sign of affection or expression of interest,” she says. In some cases, family members hold women down or help plot the abduction.
Alice Nakiru was 20 when a friend of the family broke into her house, dragged her to his home and raped her repeatedly. He kept her for days. She screamed and begged but no one came to her rescue.
“That is how I became his wife,” says
Nakiru, now 32, as she stirs porridge at home in Karamoja. “I moved from looking after my grandmother and uncles to looking after my husband and these children.”
Nakiru dropped out of school when her mother died. After the youngest of her uncles got married and no longer needed Nakiru’s housekeeping, he arranged for her abduction.
“Everyone gets married like that,” she says. “Even the policeman you would report to also took a woman and made her his wife by force.”
Nakong says the future must look different and all girls must go to school to avoid “the injustice of rape”.
“School is the only place where, as a girl, you can feel safe,” she says.
For 60 years, Kangole Girls’ boarding school in Moroto, run by Catholic nuns, has been a sanctuary.
“We open our school to the community and reach those girls who would be left out of school. We talk to their parents and encourage them to bring the girls to school, where they can be safe and have food to eat. By talking to parents, we ensure that the girl who would have stayed home, got married and not received an education gets an education and a better future,” says headteacher Sister Emma Wachira.
Former pupil Joyce Namoe works for the World Food Programme. She escaped a forced marriage at 19, and now oversees the school meals programme.
A girl would come to the gate with Karimojong warriors and male relatives at her heels, Namoe says.
“The moment the men would see the
headmistress standing at the gate waiting for the girl, they would turn
back, and the girl was safe”.
“Today, many girls have gone to school,
but they are still subjected to courtship rape. A girl from Karamoja is
not expected to fall in love. You marry whoever your family chooses.”
Ugandan law prohibits child marriage, but more than a third of girls are married before 18. In eastern Uganda, the rate is more than 50 per cent. Laws upholding customary and religious marriages for girls under 18 were declared unconstitutional in February. Covid school closures lasted almost two years in Uganda, a precarious time for girls who were lured into sex for food or clothing.
“If they refused, they were threatened with violence and defiled,” Akello says. “Women are regarded as having low value. Legal provisions are inadequate and do not fully protect women and girls, and poverty means many of them cannot access legal services.”
During the pandemic, which began when Nakong was 13, village men saw an opportunity.
“The warriors started coming for me,” she says. “I stayed at home in fear and never went out. I prayed that the schools reopen so that I could resume my studies, be sure of school meals and be safe from the men. I never wanted to be like other girls who were raped and married off.”
Speaking out against the practice is taboo and the custom thrives in silence in the sprawling Karamoja hills. Michael Aboneka, a lawyer who has successfully sued the government for failing to protect the rights of women, thinks it will take more than having girls in school to end courtship rape.
“A woman ends up in a forced marriage with 12 children instead of studying and working to make her life better,” he says. “The law against such injustices must become more deterrent because what we have is clearly not enough.”
Nakong wishes never to return to her village.
“There are so many dangers out there,” she says. “I survived the warriors and now I am working hard to become a lawyer because I want to give people justice. I want to fight for the girl child.”
This story was first published by The Guardian, UK.
