Tuesday, 4 December 2012

Journalists who have been trained and paid to defend US proxies: Seeing through the hypocrisy of American New world order neo-liberal elites: Andrew Mwenda and his simplistic analysis of the DR Congo Crisis: Andrew Mwenda’s hypocritical defence of Dictator Paul Kagame.





The destruction of the Congo says much more about the West than it does about the Central African country. It reveals most clearly that the West is largely a criminal enterprise, the prosperity of which is based on the genocide of Third World people and the theft of their resources. The Congo is perhaps the worst example of this but the West has followed the same policy in Asia, Africa and Latin America for centuries. In this sense, Western countries can be seen as a murderous mafia led by their godfather the United States government for which no amount of blood and wealth is enough.  

http://www.policyalternatives.ca/publications/monitor/october-2001-western-heart-darkness

 

Andrew M. Mwenda is the founding Managing Editor of The Independent, Uganda’s premier current affairs newsmagazine. One of Foreign Policy magazine 's top 100 Global Thinkers, TED Speaker, Foreign aid Critic. He is currently a post grad-fellow at Yale



My analysis

The American New world order –neo-liberal capitalist system has built a net worker of intellectuals to which  Andrew Mwenda belongs, whose major mandate is to obfuscate(hide) the role of the USA and her clients in the confusion in Africa. Despite the clear dictatorial tendencies of Kagame, Mwenda has portrayed Kagame as a hero and model who is being unfairly criticized. American New world order elites like Mwenda  have been trained and paid to portray the confusion in Africa as a domestic issue without any western tentacles. Look at the following quotes from Mwenda’s article on the conflict in the DR Congo.


‘’The real cause is the deeper malaise that has eaten the social fabric of the Congolese state. This is largely manifested in the inability of the state to exercise effective control over its vast territory. The absence of even rudimentary infrastructure for administrative and security functions over most of the country is what has prompted the emergence of ethnic-based militias. In fact, these militias fill the vacuum of an absentee state by providing basic administration and security even though imperfectly’’. Andrew Mwenda



The best way to save DRC is to let it burn. From the ashes of catastrophe lies the chance for a solution. Andrew Mwenda


‘’It may be politically convenient for elites in Kinshasa to bury their heads in the sand and blame their country’s woes on meddlesome neighbors. It is also appealing for human rights groups and mass media to present the problem of Congo as one of external interference. But seeking external scapegoats is not a formula for success. For those interested in helping Congo out of its crisis, the first objective should be to help Kinshasa build a functional state; a state that can perform basic tasks like ensuring law and order and the protection of individual life and property. In this endeavor, Congo would need the help of Uganda, Rwanda and its other neighbours’’. Andrew Mwenda


‘’Indeed, the main cause of atrocities in most of Congo is the lack of discipline among the armed forces. This is partly because the army in Congo is a collection of many militias. The central government often negotiates a truce with a militia controlling a given territory and integrates them into its army’’. Andrew Mwenda


Most people I have met trust the UN `experts’ and international media when they claim that Rwanda and, most recently, Uganda, are the ones supplying arms, ammunition and soldiers to the rebel movement. Yet UN `experts’ are often ignorant, sometimes naïve, on occasion gullible but mostly self-interested. They depend too heavily on Congolese government intelligence for their `facts’. Sadly in DRC, political discourse is clouded with wild rumors, a factor that makes it difficult to separate fact from fiction. These `experts’ also have interests to advance or protect and therefore come to the job with a predetermined agenda. Their claims of heavy weapons shipments from Rwanda are naive. If Rwanda moved weapons across the border, even amidst the darkest night, American satellites in space would get clear pictures of it. Andrew Mwenda



Compare what Andrew Mwenda is saying with the following quotes from the Canadian centre for policy alternatives:


‘’In the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), the heart of Africa, U.S. proxies Uganda and Rwanda occupy the eastern half of the country and are looting its mineral resources and sending them to the West. The DRC is the richest country in Africa holding the world's biggest copper, cobalt and cadmium deposits. The war started by Rwanda and Uganda against the Congolese government in 1998, has killed 2.5 million people and displaced 2.3 million. Oxfam called this war, "the world's biggest humanitarian disaster." Angola, Zimbabwe and Namibia sent their armies to support the Congo government and Burundi joined the other side. Thus began "Africa's First World War" involving seven armies which has further wrecked a country crushed by more than a century of Western domination. The U.S. has given arms and/or military training to all seven armies. Rwanda and Uganda are the U.S.' "staunchest allies in the region" and Washington backed their invasion of the Congo according to Human Rights Watch. Uganda received $1.5 million in U.S. arms and military training in 1999 and Rwanda got $325,000 under IMET in 2000. U.S. Special Forces have trained the Rwandan Army in counterinsurgency, combat and psychological operations. This included instructions about fighting in the Congo. To keep the war going, the U.S. has helped the other side too with Zimbabwe getting $1.4 million in U.S. military training in 2000 and Namibia $500,000’’.


"Behind the shameful peanut throwing [of aid] lurks a deadly Western policy towards Africa. The U.S. government … has through the Pentagon, the CIA, the World Bank and the IMF, systematically demolished African economies … and fueled eleven wars on the continent with arms transfers and military training. This genocidal imperial strategy has killed more than four million Africans and allowed the U.S. … to attain Africa's abundant natural riches cheaply." "Rarely has Western savagery been more destructive than in the Congo. After 115 years of Belgian colonialism and U.S. neo-colonialism, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) today is a war-ravaged, balkanized country where an incredible 2.5 million people have died during the last two and a half years and 2.3 million have been displaced. OXFAM called this 'the world's biggest humanitarian disaster'. The catastrophic war which began in August 1998 has been imposed on the long-suffering Congolese by U.S. PROXIES Rwanda and Uganda which have occupied the eastern half of the Congo and are plundering and looting it with most of the booty going to the West.
"Genocide and plunder have been Western policy towards the mineral-rich Congo since the Berlin Conference of 1885 when European nations divided Africa between them, and King Leopold II of Belgium got the Congo as his personal property. Ten million Congolese were killed under Belgian rule which lasted until 1960. The Congo's population was cut in half. Belgian domination was marked by slavery, forced labour and torture aimed at extracting the maximum amount of ivory and rubber from the Central African country. The people of the Congo probably suffered more than any other colonized group. Their hands were cut off for not working hard enough and on one day 1,000 severed hands were delivered in baskets to an official. Women were kidnapped to force their husbands to collect rubber sap and Congolese were shot for sport. Such atrocities were documented by George Washington Williams, an African-American visiting the Congo, who invented the term "crimes against humanity" to describe them. "The U.S. took over the Congo from Belgium in 1960-61 in a bloody coup after the CIA arranged the murder of Patrice Lumumba, the country's first elected leader The CIA sent Sidney Gottlieb, its top scientist (under the code name 'Joe from Paris'), to the Congo with deadly biological toxins to use on Lumumba … [That plan failed, but Lumumba was later killed by CIA proxies with a bullet in the head.] In his place the Agency installed its paid agent Colonel Mobutu Sese Seko who continued the looting and killing started by Leopold, for another 37 years."



  ALSO READ:

Chaos by Design: When aggressors become mediators: When wolves pretend to be sheep: The US supports Museveni Congo mediation: M23 rebels capture Goma as the UN looks on: Kabila and Kagame fly to Kampala for talks

http://watchmanafrica.blogspot.com/2012/11/chaos-by-design-when-aggressors-become.html

UN+UN peace keeping in Congo =American New World Order: UN security council condemns Goma takeover by M23 rebels: Rebels accused of gross human rights violations: DR soldiers surrender to M23 rebels

http://watchmanafrica.blogspot.com/2012/11/unun-peace-keeping-in-congo-american.html

Bishop Jean Marie Runiga, Becomes a spokes person for the M23: Using Confusion, misinformation and disinformation to Hide the Central role of USA, her allies and client states in the Conflict in the ‘Democratic’ republic of Congo(DRC)


http://watchmanafrica.blogspot.com/2012/07/bishop-jean-marie-runiga-becomes-spokes.html

Bishop Jean-Marie Runiga the spokes person of M23 rebels admits visiting Kampala but says they will not leave Goma


Obscurantist analyses aimed at hiding the western link to the crisis in Congo: Foreign meddling and messy army sustains DR Congo chaos: oh really



  By Andrew M. Mwenda

How to save Congo from the UN




Saturday, 01 December 2012 08:04 By Andrew M. Mwenda


The best way to save DRC is to let it burn. From the ashes of catastrophe lies the chance for a solution

Last week, M23 rebels matched into the eastern Congolese town of Goma with very little resistance. The Congolese army simply dropped their weapons and ran. International television footage showed them leaving the town in haste, driving Armored Personnel Carriers and tanks at full speed. Meanwhile the rebels, armed largely with light infantry weapons, marched on foot and some on civilian trucks into the town. How can a mechanised army give up a strategic town to a light infantry force so easily?

Two myths perpetrated by the UN were exposed. First, that the rebels get arms from Rwanda. Second, that the rebels are a murderous lot hated by the population. Having left most of its heavy weapons in the town and large caches of arms and rounds of ammunition, it was apparent that the rebels get their arms from the incompetence, cowardice and corruption of the Congolese army. Indeed, Kinshasa had already fired its Chief of Staff of the army accusing him of selling arms to the rebels.Then the residents of Goma lined the streets in large numbers to cheer and welcome the rebels as liberators.

Most people I have met trust the UN `experts’ and international media when they claim that Rwanda and, most recently, Uganda, are the ones supplying arms, ammunition and soldiers to the rebel movement. Yet UN `experts’ are often ignorant, sometimes naïve, on occasion gullible but mostly self-interested. They depend too heavily on Congolese government intelligence for their `facts’. Sadly in DRC, political discourse is clouded with wild rumors, a factor that makes it difficult to separate fact from fiction. These `experts’ also have interests to advance or protect and therefore come to the job with a predetermined agenda.

Their claims of heavy weapons shipments from Rwanda are naive. If Rwanda moved weapons across the border, even amidst the darkest night, American satellites in space would get clear pictures of it. Rwanda knows this already given that when it tried to deny involvement in Congo in 1996, the US just brought out pictures showing their troop and weapons movements. Kigali owned up.  Unless the Barack Obama administration is in cahoots with Kigali, evidence of Rwandese arms supply to M23 and their details would be in the press by now.

The fall of Goma combined with the aforementioned manner in which it happened presents the international community with a challenge in dealing with Africa. How can a well-equipped army tasked with the sacred obligation to defend a town and protect the population run away without a pitched fight in the face of a rag tag rebel force? Does a state that presides over such a corrupt, cowardly and incompetent army deserve international support? What incentives will make ruling elites in Kinshasa build a viable army?

Historically, the recognition of a state’s claim over a given territory by other states was predicated upon it demonstrating effective military and administrative control over it. If you failed in this, other effective states could take the territory from you. For instance, if Prussia failed to project power along the Rhine frontier, Austria could take it away. If Bunyoro exhibited weakness, Buganda could lay claims on Mubende. This forced states to constantly improve their capabilities. To preserve themselves, smaller states built alliances with other weaker or powerful neighbours. The American colonies united largely out of fear of Britain. Cooperation is the most powerful instrument of competition.

The history of Europe illustrates this process best. European monarchs had to fight wars abroad in order to ensure security at home. So the classical state was a war-making machine; war made states and states made war. The threat of losing territory forced states to build capabilities to control every inch they possessed. And such capabilities needed money. States could raise money from loot and booty. But this was unreliable. Sometimes, wars could be long and costly. So loot alone could not sustain an army in the field for years. Unpaid troops could munity and match back on their capital. Monarchs learnt that they needed to continually grow their economies to provide them a reliable source of income, taxation or public borrowing.

And this is what gave states a stake in the prosperity of their people. If your citizens are very rich, your tax returns from them or your ability to borrow from them would be higher. If the wealth is held in a fixed asset like land that cannot be hidden, you can be rude and still collect most of the taxes on it. If the asset is fluid and easy to hide like capital, you need the cooperation of the taxpayer to maximize your tax returns. Otherwise they can take evasive action and hide their wealth. Or those who possess it can withhold their productive effort and deny you revenues.

Thus, where tax revenues come largely from movable assets that can be hidden, you need the consent and cooperation of asset-holders to maximize your returns. So rulers devised means – like parliaments – as institutions to negotiate with asset owners for revenues. This gave propertied citizens power to decide the tax rate, the level of borrowing and public expenditure. The American war of independence from the British crown was fought with the battle cry: “No taxation without representation”. This incentive structure worked well to facilitate the evolution of effective states by punishing weakness and rewarding strength. It also gave birth to democratic representation.

In many ways, post independence ruling elites in Africa have really enjoyed a free ride. Their claims to sovereignty and territorial integrity need no longer have to be defended by strength – economic, military or otherwise. They are protected by international law through the UN. Elites in Kinshasa can ignore, neglect or disregard their sacred duty to build state infrastructure to serve their citizens in the east. The international community will subsidise these failures with international aid and protect their borders from other more promising claimants. The presence of a kind, sympathetic and generous international community has been one of the major sources of state weakness in Africa.

And so it was that immediately M23 exposed what a fiction the Congolese army is, the UN Security Council immediately did its usual double standard and condemned the rebels, and issued a tough resolution asking them to leave the town. Indeed, the same UN Security Council members are supplying similar rebels in Syria with weapons. On the day they condemned M23, the British foreign secretary, William Haig, went on television to announce that Great Britain was following the US and France in recognising the Syrian rebels as the “legitimate representatives of the people of Syria”. Never mind that the Syrian government, in spite of its authoritarian ways, has not reached the level of barbaric savagery of the Congolese state.

At a summit in Kampala, Presidents Yoweri Museveni and Paul Kagame, perhaps bullied and pressured by the UN, surrendered to its unrealistic demands. In a meeting with DRC’s President Joseph Kabila, they also joined the choir of those calling on M23 rebels to pull out of Goma. Perhaps one gives them credit for also making Kabila accept to meet and negotiate with the rebels over their legitimate grievances. Museveni, Kagame and Kabila all came to power through armed struggle. Would they have been happy, when victory looked certain, for the UN or neighbors to threaten action unless they halted their struggle?

The Congolese state is more a fiction than a reality. There is little semblance of a state in most of the country. What the international community recognizes and accepts for a state is a greedy cabal of elites in Kinshasa involved in a spree of anarchical grabbing of their national resources, which they steal and invest abroad. Whatever exists of their army goes unpaid for months. So it lives by scavenging on the citizenry from whom it loots to pay itself. Many Congolese citizens are protected by their own ethnic militias from the national army, whose major preoccupation, whenever it gets into contact with them, it to loot, rape and pillage.

This is the state of affairs that the international community, in its ignorance, naivety and sometimes self-interest is defending against the legitimate cries of victims who have taken up arms to challenge this injustice. Although international media are focused on the M23 because they share a common ethnicity with some in the leadership of Rwanda, there are over 20 ethnic militias in eastern DRC fighting Kinshasa. Rwanda would need super-human ability to organise such large-scale insurrection. In fact, it is self evident that a combination of an absentee state, mountainous terrain, thick forests and rich minerals is enough incentive for rebel groups to form in eastern Congo. They would not need Rwanda’s encouragement – or anyone else’s for that matter.

As I write this article, Congolese state elites in Kinshasa are on radio, television, and newspapers making open calls for genocide against their own Tutsi citizens on radio, television and newspapers. Meanwhile, the international community either looks the other way or sometimes acts as an accomplice in this scandal. Never in my life did I imagine that the UN, after the horrors of the Nazis and the 1994 genocide in Rwanda would side with a government calling for genocide against its own people. Now the UN calls victims of state terror perpetrators of that terror while calling architects of terror in Syria liberators.

There is one nation that was saved from the “salvation” of the UN and the international community – Rwanda. In 1994, Tutsis in that country stared mass extermination in the eye. In the face of widespread massacres, the UN did what it does best – it withdrew its troops. One million people were slaughtered in 100 days. For moral reasons, everyone I have read or listened to has condemned the UN for that withdrawal – including the RPF leadership. I have always celebrated that single, inhuman act of the UN. It saved Rwanda. It created room for that country’s internal actors to solve the problem decisively even though at high human cost.

The UN was trying to impose a textbook solution on an extremely complex and volatile situation in Rwanda in 1994. It wanted a ceasefire between government troops and rebels i.e. between genociders and their victims. After the ceasefire, it wanted a government “of national unity” (national destruction would be better used) between killer and victim. And this was in circumstances where each side felt strong and was confident of victory. International pressure would have created the most conflict-ridden coalition government in history. This is because the belligerents did not see mutual accommodation as a better alternative to further combat. Hence such a government would have been characterized by low intensity but widespread violence over many years, making it difficult to reconstruct the Rwandan state.

Precisely because the UN withdrew, the Rwandese had to fight their way out of their own mess. That taught them a lesson – that there is no fifth cavalry of the international community to save them. The decisive victory by RPF destroyed its opponent’s organisational infrastructure – thus allowing the victor to mount relatively unified action to reconstruct the state, rebuild the economy and begin reconciling the people. Today, Rwanda has the most effective state in Africa. International intervention in Rwanda in 1994 would at best have achieved short-term humanitarian objectives and saved lives. But this would most likely have been at the price of crippling the growth of a more durable solution for the country over the long term.

The international community can blackmail neighbours with cutting aid and other sanctions to force them to pressure rebels to stop their offensive. However, that will no solve the inherent crisis of governance in Congo. The solution for Congo’s deficiencies in managing itself will come from that country’s elites. And this will happen when they are left to pay the price of their political folly. Congolese elites indulge in political practices that undermine the evolution of a robust state and enrich a few at the expense of the many. Their politics is detrimental to the strengthening of their national institutions and the growth of their economy. Until they face – not just a strategic threat – but existential threat to the sovereignty and territorial integrity over their vast country, the ruling elites in Kinshasa will not change their ways.

In many ways, Congo’s crisis shows the dangers of foreign aid to poor countries – whether that aid is financial, technical, military or humanitarian. Our governments are subsidized with foreign financial aid, a factor that has disarticulated them from their citizens. For every fiscal shortage, they look to Washington, London, Paris or Brussels for aid rather than ways to improve the productivity of their own firms and farms. Humanitarian aid has disarticulated our people from the political struggles that are shaping their destiny. Thus, rather than join political and armed movements fighting for control of their nations, our civilians retreat to refugee camps where the international community gives them food, shelter and medicine as they vegetate as passive spectators of the struggle.

Baby-sitting Congo and scapegoating Rwanda and Uganda as the source of trouble will not solve the deeply entrenched problems of governance in that country. The international community’s everlasting attempts to prop the smoldering edifice of the Congolese state is the problem, not the solution for that country. It has blinded Congolese elites from seeking internal social integration and from building a much more viable state.

The best the world can do for Congo is to sit on its laurels and let it burn. From the ashes of such catastrophe, lies  a glimmer of hope that a more durable solution has a better chance to emerge. The country will either break-up or remain unified by the emergence of a political and military movement that will impose order. Left on their own, the Congolese people will triumph. Sustained on the drip of the international humanitarian community, Congo will remain the mess that we see today – with an army that cuts and runs at the sound of the first shot.



Dealing with the Congo question


Sunday, November 18, 2012

How President Kabila can pick a leaf from his neighbours and his own past to craft a solution for his country
 
Over the last so many months, the international community has been grappling with the crisis in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Human rights groups and the United Nations “Panel of Experts” have presented the problem as one of a Tutsi-led rebel group, M23, wreaking havoc in that country. The mass media sings this chorus. The UN “experts” claim that M23 are a proxy of the government of Rwanda. In a second leaked report, the UN panel has added Uganda among the sponsors of M23.


Anyone following the news would easily be tempted to think that if M23 were crushed today, DRC would become a stable country. Yet M23 is not the only militia rebelling against Kinshasa. There are over 20 rebel movements against the government of President Joseph Kabila. These misrepresentations may have played to the political advantage of the governing elites in Kinshasa and their allies elsewhere. However, they undermine an internal search for an enduring solution to the problems of the country.

M23 and the myriad militias and rebel groups are not a cause but a consequence of the crisis of the state in DRC even though they tend to accentuate it. The real cause is the deeper malaise that has eaten the social fabric of the Congolese state. This is largely manifested in the inability of the state to exercise effective control over its vast territory. The absence of even rudimentary infrastructure for administrative and security functions over most of the country is what has prompted the emergence of ethnic-based militias. In fact, these militias fill the vacuum of an absentee state by providing basic administration and security even though imperfectly.


It may be politically convenient for elites in Kinshasa to bury their heads in the sand and blame their country’s woes on meddlesome neighbors. It is also appealing for human rights groups and mass media to present the problem of Congo as one of external interference. But seeking external scapegoats is not a formula for success. For those interested in helping Congo out of its crisis, the first objective should be to help Kinshasa build a functional state; a state that can perform basic tasks like ensuring law and order and the protection of individual life and property. In this endeavor, Congo would need the help of Uganda, Rwanda and its other neighbours.


Without rebuilding the capabilities of the Congolese state, there is very little diplomatic engineering and political blame-game that can stop widespread atrocities against innocent civilians. Indeed, the main cause of atrocities in most of Congo is the lack of discipline among the armed forces. This is partly because the army in Congo is a collection of many militias. The central government often negotiates a truce with a militia controlling a given territory and integrates them into its army. But such agreements (as the one with the M23) have proved tenuous because Kinshasa often fails to keep its part of the bargain. And in mineral rich regions, the militias may do better retaining territorial control than ceding power to Kinshasa. Thus, these alliances keep changing, thereby causing uncertainty and violence.


The mistake of international actors involved in Congo has been to choose a side and support an entrenched yet morally indefensible position i.e. treating the government as innocent and the rebels as murderous. M23 occupies a small territory that is not even one hundredth of the territory of that large country. A casual observer may be misled to think that most of DRC is stable and that atrocities are happening only in the country’s eastern region. Yet across the entire nation of Congo, atrocities abound –and life reechoes the words of Thomas Hobbes as being miserable, nasty, brutish and short.


The Congolese army is a poorly trained, poorly paid and undisciplined. It lives off robbing, pillaging, terrorising and raping its own citizens. This partly explains why ethnic militias are preferred by local communities for, they to provide security where the national army promotes insecurity. When Kampala deployed its army in the eastern DRC town of Dungu in 2008, Congolese citizens were happy to have Ugandan troops protect them against their own army. In spite of this local need, the political representatives in Kinshasa were denouncing UPDF presence in the area. This is a clear sign that politicians, even when elected, may possess and even pursue interests at odds with the needs and demands of their own constituents. That is why the focus on M23 as the cause of atrocities is unwise and unhelpful.


To resolve the problems of Congo needs a much more skilled politician – a leader who will understand that the problems of his country are largely domestically generated and the solution is not human rights advocacy. He will have to examine the internal sources of tension and place the search for internal political accommodation above the need to please poorly informed, albeit genuinely motivated outsiders. In doing this, that leader will need to draw lessons from Rwanda, Uganda, Mozambique and South Africa.


After the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, Paul Kagame recognised that healing the country’s wounds; stabilising its political dispensation and seeking social reconciliation would require working with individuals and groups with whom he disagreed. This meant accommodating individuals accused of complicity in the genocide but whose political collaboration was necessary to achieve a modicum of political accommodation. This is also the approach employed by Nelson Mandela in South Africa in 1994. He avoided seeking to prosecute people for the crimes of apartheid but instead involve them in a process of political reconciliation. Uganda and Mozambique have implemented similar variants of this strategy to achieve political consolidation and stability.


Of course Kabila has tried it before with success. And the times when he did the above and signed agreements with his adversaries, Kabila brought considerable peace and stability to his country. Denouncing M23 and other militias as terrorists and criminals when his army is not strong enough to defend the institutional integrity of the state is not a formula for success. It may win him sympathy and support from many outsiders with an eye on his country’s minerals or an axe to grind with Rwanda or Uganda. But it will not give him a durable solution for his country.

The Untold Stories: Is Andrew Mwenda misguided or misinformed on Rwandan issues?

http://www.inyenyerinews.org/politiki/the-untold-stories-is-andrew-mwenda-misguided-or-misinformed-on-rwandan-issues/  

May 29, 2012 By Rwema IT Webmaster

This article will focus on Andrew Mwenda’s article in his independent news paper that is now seen on the streets of Kigali. Once seen as beacon of hope in the profession of journalism in the great lakes region in his famous articles and outspoken debates, champion of democracy, democratic values and ideals. However, in the eyes of many Rwandans now, his mercenary of destruction Indeed, he has not only been corrupted by the Kigali regime by a monthly cheque as a presidential advisor but he has crossed a line of honesty.

In his paper of 27th May 2012, he argues that Prof. Ayitte’s postings on Rwanda are just empty condemnation which are aimed at tainting the good image and discourage or discredit the achievements of his paymaster President Paul Kagame.

Does really Andrew Mwenda believe what he says and says what he believes?

I doubt, but what is certain is that he is a misguided missile on Rwandan issues which will hit anything on its way, and to put this in context, he mentions  that Prof . Ayittey continuously condemns the Rwandan Government for what he calls misinformation and lack of context. I will argue that Prof. Ayittey is not only fully informed on the Rwandan issues but also puts all issues in the Rwandan context.

Andrew argues that Rwanda with its model of governance is exemplary on the African continent; on contrary Rwandan is heading to unpredictable future and there is no sign of light at the end of the tunnel.

“By any measure, post-genocide Rwanda has set itself apart from most of Africa as a model reformer in nearly every field” In what context?  He admits and mentions that democracy is a journey not a destination; its realization is a process not an event”.  Since 1994 after genocide, where are the Rwandans? And what journey he is talking about? What have Rwandans realized if any? If you sweep the verandas and the fore front of your house can you say that you are clean because you hide your guests the dirt inside your house? If Andrew Mwenda is not aware of what is happening to the common man in Rwanda or just defending his monthly cake, I will tell him to go in the upcountry or the streets of Kigali and ask the common man on the street.

Again Andrew Mwenda compares United States journey in democratization with Rwanda, why should Andrew cross the Atlantic to get the comparison when our neighbors have almost gone through the same conflicts but have managed to liberalize their politics. Uganda where some of the post Rwandan genocide leaders were mentored and Andrew where is free to report even the most bitter criticisms against the government of Uganda and goes to his house and sleep knowing that he will wake up the following morning. Do his counterparts enjoy the same freedoms in Rwanda?

He further argues that Rwanda has made deliberate reforms by empowering women, the creation of local councils from the village to the district where ordinary people manage their own affairs and impact public policy, the registration of political parties and allowing them freedom to open branches up to the village level, the National Dialogue which is an open forum where citizens hold leaders to account etc.  Andrew is again misguided and misinformed on both fronts. Are really women empowered? Do we have Miria Matembe in Rwanda? What about Winnie Byanyuma, Bety Kamya,Cecil Ogwal, Salam Musumba just to mention a few. Has taken time to ask why those gallant Pan Africanist women do not exist in Rwanda? Is that what Andrew calls empowerment of women in Rwanda? Interestingly or shamelessly Andrew is well aware that those ladies in Rwandan parliament are just rubber stamps of one man (Paul Kagame).

Similarly, he mentions registration of political parties which according to him are free to operate. Again he deliberately closes his eyes on this issue, does he know that the former President together with his Minister Ntakirutinka  were imprisoned for just saying that they are going to start a political party (Ubuyanja) and this word can land a person in prison if you mention it in Rwanda, despite being one of the vocabularies in Rwandan dialects? Where are Ntaganda and Ingabire? Deo Mushayidi without mentioning those who were murdered like Andrew Rwisereka of Green Party, Asiel Kabera, again just to mention a few? Does he know that, the reason why those ladies and Gentlemen in Rwandan Parliament choose to keep quite or just stamp the orders of Kagame is just to save their skins and those of their families? What he doesn’t know or he deliberately ignores is the coercion methods of intimidation and harassment Kagame uses to terrorize those he thinks are political opponents but most importantly the collective punishment  with all their families and relatives. Does he know where all the relatives of Kayumba, Karegeya, Rugiro etc are? Some are in Jail, exiled, or killed.

Uganda has all the Generals, Cols. and all the ranks in the army establishment who do not only participate in politics, but rather active in the opposition. These people have families, property and still enjoy the basic rights as those in NRM; the problem in Rwanda is having political Doctors without professional Doctorate. He further says  that, political decentralization has been dispensed to the district level, again is he aware that , these guys at the grassroots are nominated indirectly, take for instance the Mayor of Kigali, does he know that we knew that he will be the Mayor when he was still a Governor in another District? What about all his predecessors? And all the Mayors of Rwandan local districts.   He is one of the advisors of the President Kagame, why can’t he advise him on how Elias Rukwago in Uganda was elected Mayor of Kampala?

Again he argues that Rwanda has built the largest network of fiber optic cables of any country in the Third World and according to him this ranks Rwanda a paradise in the region.  The former Ghanaian President JJ Rawlings said that, he does not understand the economic  terms of the Economists when they talk of the Economic growth of GDP , what he understands is when a common person in Ghana goes out in the morning and comes with what can feed his/her family. When he/she can manage to take his/her child to school, be able to pay medical bills for him/her and family. Is my brother Andrew aware that some Rwandan nationals go without food or just eat once? While their leaders have jets in the names of other people? What about big buildings and companies in the names of Hatari Sekoko just to mention a few? Rwandans need the same thinking and approach where all Rwandans will go out and come back with a paper bag of food and be able to exercise their fundamental rights, freedom of speech and writing like Andrew Mwenda in Uganda.

Dear Andrew history is not on your side if you continue to behave in the manner of indifference, disregard, and disrespect of the Rwandan suffering. Don not exchange your professionalism with greed for money and other incentives, as I have mentioned above history will judge you harshly.
Jacqueline Umurungi
Brussels.

 Museveni, Kagame and Mwenda grazing Rwanda President’s cattle in Kigali

Kagame victim of own success

http://www.independent.co.ug/the-last-word/the-last-word/6279-kagame-victim-of-own-success

Saturday, 18 August 2012 18:52 By Andrew M. Mwenda

The world tends to hold him to very high, sometimes unrealistic standards

Over the last one month, a rebellion has been ragging in eastern DRC against the government of President Joseph Kabila in Kinshasa. As I write this article, over 40 armed groups, some of them former members of the Congolese army, have taken up arms against his government. However, international diplomatic activity, media coverage and human rights campaigns have been focused on one rebel group, M23 and one country, Rwanda and its president, Paul Kagame, for allegedly sponsoring the rebellion.  Even an interested observer may easily think the rebellion is taking place in Rwanda, not DRC. Why is Kabila against whom mutineers and rebels are battling for control of the DRC missing in the news?

Even if we accept, just for argument’s sake, that Rwanda/Kagame are the real force behind – not just M23 – but all the 40 rebellious groups in DRC, would that take focus from Kabila and his government? Last year, there was rebellion in Libya openly supported by NATO whose planes bombed that country every day. However, the focus of the news and diplomacy did not move away from Libya’s ruler Muammar Gadaffi. Equally today, there is a civil war in Syria with the rebels enjoying the active support of the USA, Saudi Arabia and Qatar – with money, arms and propaganda. However, the news coverage is not about those sponsoring the civil war but about the subject of that civil war, President Bashar Asaad.

One could say that perhaps Rwanda/Kagame is the centre of diplomatic activity and news coverage because of their interest in Congolese minerals. But again, when the US went into Iraq, there were widespread accusation of her interest in its oil as the driving motive of the invasion. Last year, there was a lot of news and analysis that NATO’s invasion of Libya was driven by its oil. However, in both cases Saddam Hussein and Gadaffi remained central figures in the story. Hence, the Congo rebellion may be the first in human history where the person at the centre of the news is not the concerned president but the one alleged to be sponsoring the rebels.

The accusations against Rwanda at the Security Council were not presented by Kinshasa but by a UN “panel of experts.” Consequently, even Kinshasa today seems to think the rebellion is not an internal problem but a Rwandan problem. May be this is the reason Kabila proposed at the Kampala summit a “neutral force” to enter his country and fight the rebels and mutineers for him. In many ways therefore, the international community and the news media are helping Kabila avoid responsibility for the problems inside his country. By blaming Rwanda, the media and the international community are actually helping Kabila disregard genuine domestic grievances and thereby undermining his incentives to seek internal political accommodation.

Of course the leaders of DRC are not stupid. They may suspect or even believe that Rwanda is behind the rebellion by M23 and perhaps other groups as well. But they know that many other groups rebelling against Kinshasa have no links to Rwanda whatsoever. In any case, Kinshasa is aware that the mutineers and other rebels have grievances as well. It is of course difficult for Kinshasa to admit its role in sparking these rebellions. However, hiding behind Rwanda may obscure its responsibility in the short term but does not solve its problem in the medium to long term.

So what are the problems with governance in Congo that simulate and stimulate rebellion? Is Rwanda the creator of these problems or an opportunist taking advantage of them? Does Kabila preside over a democracy akin to that of Norway or Sweden that creates rebellion-proof politics? Even Norway last year had its own massacre from a fanatical right wing man – meaning no country is immune to insurrection. If we admit that DRC has serious internal governance problems, can these simulate rebellion? How does a blanket condemnation of Kigali help us craft a solution?

I think Kagame is a major source of trouble for DRC; albeit by default. Under his presidency, Rwanda has made a dramatic turnaround in a very short time. This has inspired many in high and low places; in politics, academia, religion and the media. Kagame/ Rwanda have thus become global super stars. But it has also mobilised many in envy and jealous. Who is Kagame/Rwanda to be so globally feted? The more Rwanda/Kagame get praise, the more others stalk them for any slip. Its success means Rwanda often gets held to very high and sometimes unrealistic standards. And like all strong brands, the success of Kagame has attracted many opportunistic groups and interests that seek to promote their own brand by attacking Rwanda at every opportunity.

This also means that Rwanda’s success becomes a problem for Congo. First, everyone knows that Rwanda has strong and legitimate interests in the Congo given the institutional dysfunctions in that country. They know that Congo poses – not just a tactical or even strategic threat to Rwanda – but rather an existential threat. In geo politics, there is the concept of the “margin of error” which refers to the ratio of a mistake and the consequences of it. When a small mistake can have catastrophic consequences then you have to be hypersensitive. I suspect those who accuse Rwanda of involvement in DRC do not need much evidence. They just extrapolate from the threat it faces to conclude – not that it is involved – but rather that “it has to be involved.”

But this also means that those blaming Rwanda/Kagame are actually hurting Congo. They are undermining the process of internal evaluation that Congo needs to craft a solution for itself. They are helping Kabila avoid responsibility to his people and country. They are encouraging him burry his head in the sand and imagine that his people are happy with him and it is Kagame either directly invading his country or indirectly sponsoring rebellion against him. And the worst mistake for Congo is to ignore the internal sources of discontent, pretend they do not exist and shift blame to external factors. This is the mistake of the international community.


 Andrew M. Mwenda , Odoobo Charles Bichachi , John Njoroge

Andrew Mwenda accused of being on Kagame’s payroll

 

Andrew Mwenda is on Kagame’s payroll and unethical journalist

http://ugandansatheart.org/2010/03/05/andrew-mwenda-is-on-kagames-payroll/  

Dear Ugandans at heart
Mwenda is a very unethical journalist, at least as far as his coverage of Rwanda is concerned. He was on Dr. Emmanule Ndahiro’s pay-roll, the man who  foresees ‘selling Kagame’s image”.Mwenda was blindfolded by the money he was making when he was in The Monitor. It was compulsory that time, for each governmnet office in Rwanda to buy The monitor every day. Mwenda sold his professional conscience  for this money. Yes, he got the money … what better person has he become? Kagame and his Junta spent a lot of tax-payers’ money advertising useless things in the Monitor under Mwenda. That was a kind of kick-back!! He got that money, Rwandans still will ask Mwenda, what does that blood-socked money mean for you? When he fell  out with The Monitor, Mwenda, through Ndahiro secured an order from the President, Kagame, prohibiting all governmnet offices from buying The Monitor. Anybody who violated this order would be jailed!!!

Mwenda secured money from the same people, Kagame and Ndahiro, to start his own news paper called the independent. He got the money.. and what better is he now? Mwenda should apologize to the people of Rwanda for sustaining the Dictator. For feeding the world with information about Kagame and the country (Rwanda) which he knew was absolutely false. Poor Mwenda, you sold all you are for silver!!!

For your information, the Classified” account from which Mwenda is paid in Kigali is meant for procurement of military hardware only!! This account is closed for any investigations or auditing. This is where Andrew Mwenda gets his pay cheque.If any journalist in Rwanda had a deal with a hostile country, Kagame would slaughter that journalist in broad day light. M7 has not done this to Andrew Mwenda. And Mwenda tells us that Kagame is the best African leaders!!!!! Man defendth where he eatth!!! In that vain, please, especially during this time when most of us strategizing to get this undeducated dictator out, please, keep Mwenda out of the picture.



The scheme was “selling Rwanda’s image abroad”. Mwenda received millions of shillings!!!!  Some cheques passed via my office!!!! Secondly, Mwenda betrayed the two countries namely Uganda and Rwanda. He misrepresented himself to Kagame and Ndahiro that he was the closest person to Uganda’s intelligence and the First Family (M7) and so he had all the intelligence pieces we needed from Uganda. Actually, because of Mwenda’s thirsty for Money, we nearly had a head-on confrontation at our common boarders (Uganda and Rwanda).

Mwenda appealed so much to Kagame’s psyche, of course knowing that Kagame’s education is relatively poor, that he nearly convinced the guy that the only alternative was to fight Museveni. In the meantime, Mwenda was getting his Cameras ready to get “breaking news’ and sell his then Monitor.  Mwenda contributed close to 60% of the tension that there was between Uganda and Rwanda. Mwenda nearly ended us into an unfortuante war. Netters, it took us lots of efforts to convince Kagame that the war was not necessary. Unfortuantely, Kagame trusted Mwenda’s “intelligence network” than ours!!! Owing to Mwenda’s irresponsible reporting and thirst for money, millions of our people in Uganda and Rwanda were going to die!!! Shame and shame to this Mwenda!! Once again, if Mwenda wants, I would not mind posting documentary evidence. But he has to request for it himself.

 A heavy cheque From Kigali to Mwenda( Posted by Lusoke William)

On Commander Kayumba, you need to know that our Tutsi community in Rwanda is divided into two major groups. The Tutsi who came from Ugandan refugee camps in the West and in particular  those from Nakivale camp, and those who came from Uganda but not from refugee camps. Most of the time these groups are even hostile. Those who came from refugee camps, also called “Bakonyine” – very primitive – are generally uneducated, so frustrated  by refugee camps life ( in most cases very malicious, heartless, no room for dialogue and above all, they tend to be extremists – they display sponteneous dislike for the Hutu). Those who were not in refugee camps are generally well educated, prudent, a little sypathetic and generally open to dialogue and mixing with the Hutu. (The two groups of Tutsi are perceived of other groups of Tutsi in Rwanda as the super Tutsi. The relationship between these two group of tutsi and toehr Tutsi in Rwanda is that of distrust). Yet the two Tutsi groups or camps ( from Uganda) do not like each other.

Kagame is from the Bakonyine while Commander Nyamwasa is ‘city-born’!!! The RPF in-house killings that happened immediately after Rwegema’s death, which were supervised by afande Kagame and Salim Sareh under M7′s coordination were also along these lines. It was basically the Bakonyine aganist city-born Tutsi. M7′s FRONASA basically recruited from the Tutsi refugee camps. So M7 automatically sides with the Bakonyine – on a typically good day – otherwise he shifts!!!!

M7 has another reason why he like the Tutsi from camps; they are heartless. You should have seen how they killed people in Luwero to know how hearless they can be. You also need to recall the Mbarara slaughters and the Distruction of Masaka town ( Masaka was not destroyed by Bakombozi from TZ as they cheat you. It was destroyed by M7 wing which closed in on Masaka from Mbarara side. That is way back during th Amin war. Talk of hearless people, you have these Bakonyine!

The bakonyine Tutsi group, Kagame’s group, is the one in control in Kigali. We who came from “cities” are second class Rwandans!!! The so called arrests  due to “corruption’ you hear about in Rwanda are simply an official way of the bakonyine eliminating the “city-born”. And then Kagame sells his name. The world says, look, he is arresting even RPF guys!!!Kumbe wapi. It is stage managed!!!Whenever either group  is in charge of an instituion, they make sure they employ from within their group ( bakonyine or city born).

Kayumba is one of the many victims of this. When he bacame RPF boss, he revenged. He promoted “city born” guys in the army. The bakonyine felt so bad!! Morever, because the “city born” find it easy to work with the Hutu, Commander Kayumba was in good books with General Habyarimana Emmanuel when this General was the Minister of Defense in Rwanda. Kayumba himself helped General Habyarimana to escape through Uganda. Actually, the day before Kayumba left Rwanda, he made a phone call to General Emmanuel Haybarimana.

Let Kagame not cheat you that he sent Commander Kayumba to UK for studies. He had refused to sign for him although the guy had everything including scholarship.  When Kagame had gone Ethiopia for a mission, General Emmanuel Habyarimana signed for Kayumba to go to UK. That is how Kayumba left Rwanda for UK.
LUSOKE WILLIAM
Former RPF soldier
UAH forumist